South Africa: Land of Inequality

One morning last July, Stefan Smit, a white farmer in South Africa’s wine-making region, woke up to find that overnight his vineyard had essentially been invaded. In a matter of hours, impoverished residents of a nearby black township had showed up on his land, cleared weeds, and put up 40 shacks to live in.

“We see that land, we must take that land,” said Zola Ndlasi, 44, the man who led the takeover, as he walked among the new shacks. By the end of August, nearly a thousand shacks spread across Smit’s property.

And with that, Smit’s farm, about 30 miles east of Cape Town, became yet another battleground in a bitter political fight that continues to split this nation. The key question: Who owns South Africa’s land?

White South Africans, who account for only 8 percent of the population, control much of the country’s economy a generation after the end of apartheid. Many of their black neighbors are still struggling to acquire a tiny patch of earth on which to build a shack. Blacks make up more than 80 percent of South Africa’s 58 million people.

A quarter-century after a historic election transformed South Africa from white rule to a true democracy, the nation has made enormous strides in some areas but still faces huge challenges in others.

One morning last July, Stefan Smit, a white farmer in South Africa’s wine-making region, woke up to find that overnight his vineyard had essentially been invaded. In a matter of hours, impoverished residents of a nearby black township had showed up on his land. They had cleared weeds and put up 40 shacks to live in.

“We see that land, we must take that land,” said Zola Ndlasi, 44, the man who led the takeover, as he walked among the new shacks. By the end of August, nearly a thousand shacks spread across Smit’s property.

And with that, Smit’s farm, about 30 miles east of Cape Town, became yet another battleground in a bitter political fight that continues to split this nation. The key question: Who owns South Africa’s land?

White South Africans account for only 8 percent of the population. They control much of the country’s economy a generation after the end of apartheid. Many of their black neighbors are still struggling to get a tiny patch of earth on which to build a shack. Blacks make up more than 80 percent of South Africa’s 58 million people.

It’s been a quarter-century since a historic election transformed South Africa from white rule to a true democracy. The nation has made enormous strides in some areas. But it still faces huge challenges in others.

“The political empowerment of black South Africans has been a huge achievement,” says Vanda Felbab-Brown, a South Africa expert at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. “But land and wealth is still concentrated disproportionately in the hands of the white minority.”

For much of the 20th century, black South Africans lived under apartheid, a government-imposed system of rigid racial segregation, with roots going back to Dutch and British colonization in the 17th century (see Key Dates, below). Black South Africans couldn’t socialize with whites, have a voice in government, or even travel outside designated areas without government permission. (People of mixed race, known as “coloreds,” faced their own restrictions.) Secret police spied on black activists, and arrests, beatings, and even murders of dissidents were commonplace.

“The political empowerment of black South Africans has been a huge achievement,” says Vanda Felbab-Brown, a South Africa expert at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. “But land and wealth is still concentrated disproportionately in the hands of the white minority.”

For much of the 20th century, black South Africans lived under a government-imposed system of rigid racial segregation. This system is known as apartheid. Its roots go back to Dutch and British colonization in the 17th century (see Key Dates, below). Under apartheid, black South Africans couldn’t socialize with whites or have a voice in government. They couldn’t even travel outside designated areas without government permission. People of mixed race, known as “coloreds,” faced their own restrictions. Secret police also spied on black activists. Arrests, beatings, and even murders of dissidents were commonplace.

In 1964, Nelson Mandela, a leader of the African National Congress (A.N.C.), a group fighting apartheid, was accused of trying to overthrow the government; his activism earned him a life sentence in prison (see “Nelson Mandela: South Africa’s Founding Father,” below).

After decades of international pressure, things changed in 1990. The government freed Mandela after he’d spent 27 years behind bars and began negotiations toward black majority rule. Apartheid officially ended in 1991, and three years later, all South Africans elected a new government. Some feared a racial bloodbath when white rule ended, with blacks taking revenge for past injustices. Instead, South Africans heeded Mandela’s call to move forward: In 1994, rather than turning to violence, they stood in line to vote, with nearly 90 percent of those eligible casting ballots in the country’s first truly democratic election. Mandela was elected president.

Twenty-five years later, South Africa has a lot to brag about. It boasts the continent’s second-largest economy (after Nigeria) and has an abundance of natural resources that it exports—including diamonds, gold, and platinum—and a modern infrastructure in much of the country. Considered the superpower of Africa, South Africa regularly sends troops on peacekeeping missions elsewhere on the continent.

Perhaps its most important achievement, experts say, is its political progress.

“South Africa is a functional constitutional democracy with a vibrant political opposition, an independent judiciary, and a highly active civil society,” says John Campbell, a South Africa expert at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington, D.C.

In 1964, Nelson Mandela, a leader of the African National Congress (A.N.C.), a group fighting apartheid, was accused of trying to overthrow the government. His activism earned him a life sentence in prison (see “Nelson Mandela: South Africa’s Founding Father,” below).

After decades of international pressure, things changed in 1990. The government freed Mandela after he’d spent 27 years behind bars. Soon after, negotiations toward black majority rule began. Apartheid officially ended in 1991. Three years later, all South Africans elected a new government. Some feared a racial bloodbath when white rule ended, with blacks taking revenge for past injustices. Instead, South Africans heeded Mandela’s call to move forward. In 1994, rather than turning to violence, they stood in line to vote. Nearly 90 percent of those eligible cast ballots in the country’s first truly democratic election. Mandela was elected president.

Twenty-five years later, South Africa has a lot to brag about. It boasts the continent’s second-largest economy (after Nigeria). It has an abundance of natural resources that it exports, including diamonds, gold, and platinum. And there’s modern infrastructure in much of the country. Considered the superpower of Africa, South Africa often sends troops on peacekeeping missions elsewhere on the continent.

Perhaps its most important achievement, experts say, is its political progress.

“South Africa is a functional constitutional democracy with a vibrant political opposition, an independent judiciary, and a highly active civil society,” says John Campbell, a South Africa expert at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington, D.C.

But there have been many disappointments too. The country’s unemployment rate is above 27 percent, and it’s even higher for young South Africans: Almost 40 percent of 15- to 34-year-olds don’t have jobs.

Although poverty has declined since the end of apartheid, inequality has only risen, according to a recent report by the World Bank and the South African government.

The country’s economic problems have disproportionately affected black South Africans: More than 60 percent of blacks live in poverty, according to Statistics South Africa, compared with just 1 percent of white South Africans. 

Linked to South Africa’s economic problems is its failure to make significant progress on many social issues since the end of apartheid—education in particular.

“The quality of primary education available to blacks is very poor and not significantly better than it was under apartheid,” Campbell says.

The shoddy condition of many schools for black children flashed suddenly into view last year when two students drowned in pit toilets at their school. Pit toilets are holes in the ground where waste collects, covered by a platform that’s often crumbling or filthy or both. There are nearly 4,000 schools in South Africa where pit toilets are the only option for students to relieve themselves, government statistics show. 

In addition to a lack of resources, the other challenge to improving South Africa’s education system is language. South Africa has 11 official languages.

But there have been many disappointments too. The country’s unemployment rate is above 27 percent. And it’s even higher for young South Africans. Almost 40 percent
of 15- to 34-year-olds don’t have jobs.

Although poverty has declined since the end of apartheid, inequality has only risen, according to a recent report by the World Bank and the South African government.

The country’s economic problems have disproportionately affected black South Africans. More than 60 percent of blacks live in poverty, according to Statistics South Africa. That’s compared with just 1 percent of white South Africans.

Linked to South Africa’s economic problems is its failure to make significant progress on many social issues since the end of apartheid. Making progress on education in particular has proven difficult.

“The quality of primary education available to blacks is very poor and not significantly better than it was under apartheid,” Campbell says.

The shoddy condition of many schools for black children flashed suddenly into view last year when two students drowned in pit toilets at their school. Pit toilets are holes in the ground where waste collects. They’re covered by a platform that’s often crumbling or filthy or both. There are nearly 4,000 schools in South Africa where pit toilets are the only option for students to relieve themselves, government statistics show.

In addition to a lack of resources, the other challenge to improving South Africa’s education system is language. South Africa has 11 official languages.

“English is the first language of only about 9 percent of the population,” Campbell says. “Much of the country’s black population doesn’t learn English in school, and that has huge economic implications. If you learn Zulu, try getting a job answering the telephone in Johannesburg.”

In other words, in a country where a large chunk of the economy is run in English, the huge number of black South Africans who don’t learn English in school lack access to many opportunities.

South Africa also suffers from high rates of violent crime. Last year, there were more than 20,000 murders in the country, making its homicide rate one of the highest in the world—about six times higher than the U.S. murder rate. This has important ripple effects, says Felbab-Brown, the Brookings expert: It has led many wealthy whites to live in gated communities that exacerbate racial tensions, and it has pushed many other South Africans who can afford it to leave the country.

South Africa has also been plagued by widespread corruption. Over the past two decades, tens of billions of dollars in public funds—intended to develop the economy and improve the lives of black South Africans—have been siphoned off by leaders of the A.N.C., the very organization that had promised them a new, equal, and just nation.

“There is tremendous corruption and rot in the A.N.C.,” says Felbab-Brown. 

Last year, President Jacob Zuma was forced to resign amid ongoing corruption scandals. Zuma’s replacement, Cyril Ramaphosa, has promised that he will make fighting corruption a priority, but it remains to be seen how serious his efforts will be.

“English is the first language of only about 9 percent of the population,” Campbell says. “Much of the country’s black population doesn’t learn English in school, and that has huge economic implications. If you learn Zulu, try getting a job answering the telephone in Johannesburg.”

In other words, a large chunk of the country’s economy is run in English. That means that the huge number of black South Africans who don’t learn English in school lack access to many opportunities.

South Africa also suffers from high rates of violent crime. Last year, there were more than 20,000 murders in the country. That means the nation had one of the highest homicide rates in the world. In fact, it was about six times higher than the U.S. murder rate. This has important ripple effects, says Felbab-Brown, the Brookings expert. It has led many wealthy whites to live in gated communities that exacerbate racial tensions, and it has pushed many other South Africans who can afford it to leave the country.

South Africa has also been plagued by widespread corruption. Over the past two decades, tens of billions of dollars have been essentially stolen by leaders of the A.N.C. That’s the very organization that had promised to lead a new, equal, and just nation. Much of that stolen money had been set aside to develop the economy and improve the lives of black South Africans.

“There is tremendous corruption and rot in the A.N.C.,” says Felbab-Brown.

Last year, President Jacob Zuma was forced to resign amid ongoing corruption scandals. Zuma’s replacement, Cyril Ramaphosa, has promised that he will make fighting corruption a priority. But it remains to be seen how serious his efforts will be.

One of the thorniest unsolved problems in South Africa is land reform, and this is another area in which Ramaphosa has promised progress. A recent government survey found that white farmers own 70 percent of the land held by individual owners. Many black South Africans feel betrayed by the failure of the A.N.C. government to provide access to land for the black majority.

Frustration over that fundamental inequity is what fuels confrontations over land like the recent takeover of Stefan Smit’s farm in Stellenbosch. The black squatters on Smit’s land say they came out of desperation. They had been living in a neighboring black township called Kayamandi, crammed into flimsy shacks squeezed into crowded streets.

“If I build a house, then I will leave this for my children,” says Lubabalo Mpiliso, 20, one of the squatters.

South Africa’s leaders are sympathetic to the frustration that leads to this sort of land grab, but they’re wary of forcibly seizing land owned by whites. They know that could seriously damage the country’s economy and international reputation.

Regardless of how the government responds, the incident shows the huge gulf between white and black South Africans.

“I never spoke to the people myself,” Smit says of the black South Africans who live in the township next to his farm. “You don’t do that. It’s not un-dangerous. It’s not advisable.”

Experts will be watching closely to see if Ramaphosa is able to manage the racial tensions that stem from lingering inequality and guide South Africa toward more prosperity that is widely shared.

“Because the social and economic and education progress of the black majority has been so slow, that leads to dysfunctional behaviors straight across the racial divides,” says Campbell of the Council on Foreign Relations. “But I’m optimistic about South Africa because they got the politics right with a constitutional democracy.”

One of the thorniest unsolved problems in South Africa is land reform. This is another area in which Ramaphosa has promised progress. A recent government survey found that white farmers own 70 percent of the land held by individual owners. Many black South Africans feel betrayed by the failure of the A.N.C. government to provide access to land for the black majority.

Frustration over that fundamental inequity is what fuels confrontations over land like the recent takeover of Stefan Smit’s farm in Stellenbosch. The black squatters on Smit’s land say they came out of desperation. They had been living in a neighboring black township called Kayamandi. There, they crammed into flimsy shacks squeezed into crowded streets.

“If I build a house, then I will leave this for my children,” says Lubabalo Mpiliso, 20, one of the squatters.

South Africa’s leaders are sympathetic to the frustration that leads to this sort of land grab. But they’re wary of forcibly seizing land owned by whites. They know that could seriously damage the country’s economy and international reputation.

Regardless of how the government responds, the incident shows the huge gulf between white and black South Africans.

“I never spoke to the people myself,” Smit says of the black South Africans who live in the township next to his farm. “You don’t do that. It’s not un-dangerous. It’s not advisable.”

Experts will be watching closely to see if Ramaphosa is able to manage the racial tensions that stem from lingering inequality. They’ll also be evaluating whether he’s able to guide South Africa toward more prosperity that is widely shared.

“Because the social and economic and education progress of the black majority has been so slow, that leads to dysfunctional behaviors straight across the racial divides,” says Campbell of the Council on Foreign Relations. “But I’m optimistic about South Africa because they got the politics right with a constitutional democracy.”

With reporting by Selam Gebrekidan and Norimitsu Onishi of The New York Times.

With reporting by Selam Gebrekidan and Norimitsu Onishi of The New York Times.