Can Haiti Hang On?

The situation has the people of Haiti feeling that their country is in a perpetual downward spiral.

“I hope for a better Haiti, but I know it won’t get better,” says Rousleau Desrosiers, watching his newborn breathe with the help of machines at a hospital whose generator is just days from running out of fuel. “Haiti only goes backward. The only gear we have is reverse.”

The overlapping crises of the past six months come after decades of poverty, natural disasters, and political instability. Since the devastating 2010 earthquake, about 1.8 million Haitians have fled the country in search of better lives elsewhere, many of them heading for the U.S. (see “Destination: The United States,” below).

The situation has the people of Haiti feeling that their country is in a downward spiral that’ll never end.

“I hope for a better Haiti, but I know it won’t get better,” says Rousleau Desrosiers, watching his newborn breathe with the help of machines at a hospital whose generator is just days from running out of fuel. “Haiti only goes backward. The only gear we have is reverse.”

The past six months have been filled with overlapping crises. They’ve come after decades of poverty, natural disasters, and political chaos. Since the devastating 2010 earthquake, about 1.8 million Haitians have fled the country in search of better lives elsewhere. Many of them have landed in the U.S. (see “Destination: The United States,” below).

Haiti’s problems stem largely from its turbulent past. Most Haitians are descended from enslaved Africans brought over by French colonizers. The enslaved people rebelled, overthrowing the French colonial government, and in 1804, Haiti declared its independence.

But in exchange for France’s lost “property”—its plantations and the people it had enslaved—Haiti was forced to pay an enormous “independence debt” worth about $23 billion in today’s money. Haiti didn’t finish paying off the debt until 1947, and that had crippling consequences. Amid years of instability, a long string of tyrants seized power.

The other factor that has long destabilized Haiti is a history of foreign intervention (see Key Dates, below). The U.S. has invaded the country several times, most recently in 1994, when American troops reinstalled President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who’d been democratically elected and then was ousted in a military coup.

Haiti’s problems stem largely from its troubled past. Most Haitians trace their ancestry to enslaved Africans brought over by French colonizers. The enslaved people rebelled, overthrowing the French colonial government. In 1804, Haiti declared its independence.

But France wanted payment for its lost “property”—its plantations and the people it had enslaved. So France forced Haiti to pay a huge “independence debt” worth about $23 billion in today’s money. Haiti didn’t finish paying off the debt until 1947, and that had crippling results. During many years of instability, a long string of tyrants took power.

The other factor that has long weakened Haiti is a history of foreign meddling (see Key Dates, below). The U.S. has invaded the country several times, most recently in 1994. That year, American troops reinstalled President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. He’d been democratically elected and then was forced out of office in a military coup.

The current crisis, with a total breakdown in law and order, has taken the country to a new low.

“Everybody’s saying it’s the worst they can remember, and there have been lots of bad times before this,” says Brian Concannon, executive director of the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti, which is based in Boston. “People go out to the grocery store and they’re not sure if they’re going to come back or not.”

After decades of international intervention in Haiti—and a feeling among many Haitians that that’s made things worse—there’s an ambivalence in the international community about whether and how to step in.

“A lot of people want to encourage a Haitian solution to a Haitian problem,” says Georges Fauriol, a Haiti expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. “The problem with that is that weeks and months go by with nothing happening.”

For now, the country has an interim government being led by a prime minister who was appointed shortly before the president’s assassination, which some investigators believe was carried out by drug cartels. But mostly the gangs are in charge.

The current crisis has taken the country to a new low. There’s been a total breakdown in law and order.

“Everybody’s saying it’s the worst they can remember, and there have been lots of bad times before this,” says Brian Concannon, executive director of the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti, which is based in Boston. “People go out to the grocery store and they’re not sure if they’re going to come back or not.”

The international intervention in Haiti has gone on for decades. There’s a feeling among many Haitians that the meddling has made things worse. This has made the international community hesitant about whether and how to step in now.

“A lot of people want to encourage a Haitian solution to a Haitian problem,” says Georges Fauriol, a Haiti expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. “The problem with that is that weeks and months go by with nothing happening.”

Some investigators believe drug cartels are behind the president’s assassination. For now, the country has a temporary government, led by a prime minister who was appointed shortly before the attack. But mostly the gangs are in charge.

Desrosiers shuttled his newborn to five hospitals before reaching one in Port-au-Prince that took him in: St. Damien Pediatric Hospital, Haiti’s main pediatric care facility.

“I’m worried,” Desrosiers says of his son, whose tiny nostrils are filled with oxygen tubes. A heat lamp warms his tiny body. “He isn’t breathing properly.”

Without more fuel for the hospital generators, the machines keeping the child alive will stop running, and the entire hospital will have to shut down.

Doctors and nurses have run out of fuel for their cars, and the few taxis on the streets have become too expensive, so the hospital is using ambulances to bring staff members to work and buying mattresses so they can sleep on the floor. To save fuel, staff members shut off the lights as often as possible.

“It’s chaos for Haiti,” says Jacqueline Gautier, the hospital’s chief executive.

Desrosiers shuttled his newborn to five hospitals. Then he finally found one that took the baby in: St. Damien Pediatric Hospital in Port-au-Prince, Haiti’s main pediatric care facility.

“I’m worried,” Desrosiers says of his son, whose tiny nostrils are filled with oxygen tubes. A heat lamp warms his tiny body. “He isn’t breathing properly.”

Without more fuel for the hospital generators, the machines keeping the child alive will stop running. And the entire hospital will have to shut down.

Doctors and nurses have run out of fuel for their cars, and the few taxis on the streets have become too expensive. Now the hospital is using ambulances to bring staff members to work and buying mattresses so they can sleep on the floor. To save fuel, staff members shut off the lights as often as possible.

“It’s chaos for Haiti,” says Jacqueline Gautier, the hospital’s chief executive.

With fuel so scarce, residents in some towns surround vehicles as they drive through and insist on siphoning off gas from the tanks before letting them continue. In northern Haiti, a crowd attacked a fuel truck and forced the driver to transfer part of his haul into large drums.

The crisis has crippled everyone’s ability to work and live. Gas stations have been boarded up for weeks. When owners show up at the stations, riots often break out among residents, who are convinced the stations are hoarding fuel.

The current lawless environment has prompted a surge in kidnappings by gangs. There are also accusations that members of the Haitian government have been involved. In early October, Pastor Jean Ferrer Michel had parked outside of his church when armed, masked men jumped out of a justice ministry vehicle and bundled him away, according to his daughter, Farah Michel. He was later handed over to a gang and was released only after his family paid multiple ransoms.

Farah Michel says her family is under threat and plans to leave Haiti soon.

“You can’t raise a kid in this atmosphere, you can’t give birth, go to a job, raise a family,” she says. “It’s a real nightmare. You’re not sleeping, but you’re in a nightmare.”

With fuel supplies so limited, residents in some towns surround passing vehicles. They demand the drivers let them take some of the gas from the tanks before letting them continue. In northern Haiti, a crowd attacked a fuel truck. They forced the driver to transfer part of his haul into large drums.

The crisis has left people unable to work and live. Gas stations have been boarded up for weeks. When owners show up at the stations, riots often break out among residents. That’s because the people believe the stations are hiding fuel.

The current lawless environment has led to an increase in kidnappings by gangs. There are also accusations that members of the Haitian government have been involved. In early October, Pastor Jean Ferrer Michel parked outside of his church. Out of nowhere, armed, masked men jumped out of a justice ministry vehicle and took him away, according to his daughter, Farah Michel. He was later handed over to a gang and was released only after his family paid multiple ransoms.

Farah Michel says her family is under threat and plans to leave Haiti soon.

“You can’t raise a kid in this atmosphere, you can’t give birth, go to a job, raise a family,” she says. “It’s a real nightmare. You’re not sleeping, but you’re in a nightmare.”

With reporting by Natalie Kitroeff and Maria Abi-Habib of The New York Times.

With reporting by Natalie Kitroeff and Maria Abi-Habib of The New York Times.