The Red Scare

The scripts that Ring Lardner Jr. wrote for blockbuster movies in the 1940s and ‘50s earned him an Oscar and the then-enviable salary of $2,000 a week at the 20th Century Fox studio. But he and nine other Hollywood screenwriters and movie directors—who together became known as “The Hollywood Ten”—had the same suspect blemish on their record: They had once joined the Communist Party.

In 1947, as the Soviet Union engineered the installation of puppet regimes across Eastern Europe, Americans grew increasingly anxious about the threat of Communism at home as well as abroad.

Ring Lardner Jr. wrote scripts for blockbuster movies in the 1940s and ’50s. They earned him an Oscar and the then-enviable salary of $2,000 a week at the 20th Century Fox studio. But he and nine other Hollywood screenwriters and movie directors had the same blemish on their record: They had once joined the Communist Party. They became known as “The Hollywood Ten.”

In 1947, the Soviet Union put puppet regimes in place across Eastern Europe. In turn, Americans grew more concerned about the threat of Communism at home as well as abroad.

The Hollywood Ten were summoned before an entity called the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) 75 years ago. They were questioned about their Communist Party activities and asked to provide names of other party members and Communist sympathizers.

Banding together in protest, The Ten refused to answer the committee’s questions, insisting that the Constitution guaranteed them freedom of speech, assembly, and association that they need not defend before a government committee. Belonging to the Communist Party, after all, was not a crime.

The Hollywood Ten were called before an entity called the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) 75 years ago. They were questioned about their Communist Party activities. The committee also asked them to provide names of other party members and Communist allies.

Banding together in protest, The Ten refused to answer the committee’s questions. They insisted that the Constitution guaranteed them freedom of speech, assembly, and association. These rights didn’t need to be defended before a government committee, they said. Belonging to the Communist Party, after all, was not a crime.

HUAC’s stated purpose in investigating the Hollywood Ten was its belief that subtle Communist propaganda had crept into movies seen by millions of susceptible Americans. But many historians believe HUAC’s real motive was far more calculating.

“It was that a hearing with Hollywood stars would get press coverage,” says John Earl Haynes, a retired historian for the Library of Congress who has written several books about the Communist Party and Soviet espionage. “Members of Congress then were just as interested in press coverage as they are now.”

HUAC said that subtle pro-Communist messages had crept into movies seen by millions of Americans who could easily fall prey to them. It said that was its purpose for investigating the Hollywood Ten. But many historians believe HUAC’s real motive was far more calculating.

“It was that a hearing with Hollywood stars would get press coverage,” says John Earl Haynes, a retired historian for the Library of Congress who has written several books about the Communist Party and Soviet espionage. “Members of Congress then were just as interested in press coverage as they are now.”

To be sure, the alarm about Communism wasn’t entirely unwarranted. In the 1930s, during the Great Depression, the U.S. wing of the Communist Party had grown as some Americans embraced Communism out of disenchantment with Capitalism, which had left so many out of work. Then, in the aftermath of World War II, several Eastern European countries fell under the Soviet sway, and Communist parties forged a strong presence in France and Italy, fueling the impression that Communism was on an unstoppable march. Former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill warned that an “Iron Curtain” had descended between the autocratic Soviet Union and its satellites on one side and the Western democracies on the other. What was known as the Cold War had begun.

Meanwhile, Communist revolutionaries under Mao Zedong took over China, and the Soviets exploded an atomic bomb. Schools held duck and cover drills to prepare for the possibility of a nuclear attack. As youngsters crouched under their desks at school, the atmosphere of dread deepened.

To be sure, the alarm about Communism wasn’t entirely off base. In the 1930s, during the Great Depression, the U.S. wing of the Communist Party had grown. Some Americans embraced Communism after being let down by Capitalism, which had left so many out of work. Then, in the aftermath of World War II, several Eastern European countries fell under the Soviets’ sway. At the same time, Communist parties built a strong presence in France and Italy. This fueled the idea that Communism was on an unstoppable march. Former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill warned that an “Iron Curtain” had dropped. It created a divide, with the autocratic Soviet Union and its satellites on one side and the Western democracies on the other. What was known as the Cold War had begun.

Meanwhile, Communist revolutionaries under Mao Zedong took over China. Around the same time, the Soviets exploded an atomic bomb. Schools held duck and cover drills to prepare for the possibility of a nuclear attack. As youngsters crouched under their desks at school, the atmosphere of dread deepened.

Several notable domestic events heightened the American distrust of Communists (see timeline slideshow, below). In one high-profile case, Julius Rosenberg, an engineer from New York City, was accused of passing sketches of an atomic bomb’s design to the Soviet Union. He and his wife, Ethel, were convicted of spying, and in 1953 were executed in an electric chair, though doubts still remain about Ethel’s involvement.

Then into this maelstrom of fear and paranoia stepped Joseph McCarthy, a little-known Republican senator who made startling and often false and distorted accusations.

McCarthy gave the era its name, and critics coined the enduring term McCarthyism for the smearing of opponents with innuendos or falsehoods.

McCarthyism became “a synonym for reckless accusation, guilt by association, fear-mongering, and political double-dealing,” says Larry Tye, author of Demagogue: The Life and Long Shadow of Senator Joe McCarthy. “It’s not often that a man’s name becomes an ism.”

McCarthy launched his anti-Communist crusade in 1950 with a vitriolic speech in West Virginia that turned him into a riveting national figure. He claimed that he had in his hand a list of 205 State Department employees who were Communists and spies. McCarthy had no such list but was distorting clippings about a State Department internal investigation of its own employees, with most of the 205 already having long been cleared.

There were certainly Americans spying for the Soviet Union, but McCarthy had no knowledge of who they were, and he never sent a subversive to jail. But because he enjoyed broad popular support, critics feared speaking out lest they too be labeled Communist sympathizers.

Several notable domestic events caused the American distrust of Communists to grow (see timeline slideshow, below). One high-profile case involved Julius Rosenberg, an engineer from New York City. He was accused of passing sketches of an atomic bomb’s design to the Soviet Union. He and his wife, Ethel, were convicted of spying. In 1953, they were executed in an electric chair. Today, doubts still remain about Ethel’s involvement.

Out of the growing fear and paranoia came Joseph McCarthy, a little-known Republican senator. He used his platform to make shocking and often false and misleading accusations.

McCarthy gave the era its name. Critics coined the enduring term McCarthyism to describe the smearing of opponents with suggestive statements or falsehoods.

McCarthyism became “a synonym for reckless accusation, guilt by association, fear-mongering, and political double-dealing,” says Larry Tye, author of Demagogue: The Life and Long Shadow of Senator Joe McCarthy. “It’s not often that a man’s name becomes an ism.”

McCarthy launched his anti-Communist crusade in 1950 with a speech in West Virginia. That moment turned him into a riveting national figure. He claimed that he had in his hand a list of 205 State Department employees who were Communists and spies. McCarthy had no such list. Instead, he held up clippings about a State Department internal investigation of its own employees. Most of the 205 already had long been cleared.

There were certainly Americans spying for the Soviet Union, but McCarthy didn’t know who they were. He also had never sent a secret agent to jail. But his broad popular support stopped critics from speaking out publicly. They feared that they might be labeled as Communist supporters if they did so.

Before this Red Scare receded, thousands of Americans lost their jobs, reputations were indelibly tarnished, and families disintegrated. It’s estimated that hundreds of Americans were imprisoned. And according to Columbia University political scientist Ira Katznelson, 560 federal employees were fired or not hired as a result of loyalty investigations during the McCarthy era.

In 1954, McCarthy’s downfall began. Noted CBS journalist Edward R. Murrow broadcast a documentary about McCarthy that focused on his bullying tactics and fabrications.

“The line between investigating and persecuting is a very fine one, and the junior senator from Wisconsin has stepped over it repeatedly,” Murrow told a national audience. “We must not confuse dissent with disloyalty.”

A few weeks later, McCarthy began televised hearings into Communist infiltration in the Army. When McCarthy charged that a young attorney who worked at the law firm of the Army’s hired counsel, Joseph Welch, had belonged to a Communist-controlled lawyers association, Welch responded with memorable fury seen live on TV by millions of Americans.

“Until this moment, Senator, I think I never really gauged your cruelty or your recklessness,” he said. “Senator, you’ve done enough. Have you no sense of decency, sir?”

Before this Red Scare died down, thousands of Americans lost their jobs and reputations were ruined. Families got torn apart as well. It’s estimated that hundreds of Americans were imprisoned. And according to Columbia University political scientist Ira Katznelson, 560 federal employees were fired or not hired as a result of loyalty investigations during the McCarthy era.

In 1954, McCarthy’s downfall began. Noted CBS journalist Edward R. Murrow broadcast a documentary about McCarthy. The segment focused on his bullying tactics and false statements.

“The line between investigating and persecuting is a very fine one, and the junior senator from Wisconsin has stepped over it repeatedly,” Murrow told a national audience. “We must not confuse dissent with disloyalty.”

A few weeks later, McCarthy began televised hearings into Communist efforts to take over the Army. During the hearings, McCarthy charged that a young attorney who worked at the law firm of the Army’s hired counsel, Joseph Welch, had belonged to a Communist-controlled lawyers association. Welch responded with memorable fury seen live on TV by millions of Americans.

“Until this moment, Senator, I think I never really gauged your cruelty or your recklessness,” he said. “Senator, you’ve done enough. Have you no sense of decency, sir?”

McCarthy’s flailing, erratic response was the last straw for colleagues from both parties, who joined in formally censuring him for dishonoring the  Senate. Within three years he was dead, the effects of alcoholism the likely cause.

The McCarthy era was not the first period in which Americans faced questions about their loyalty. In 1798, a decade after the ratification of the Constitution, President John Adams signed the Alien and Sedition Acts, which made it a crime to publish “false, scandalous, and malicious writing” about the federal government, resulting in prosecutions of newspaper editors. And after the December 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor, the Roosevelt administration ordered Americans of Japanese descent to resettle in internment camps out of fear they might be loyal to our enemy and engage in sabotage or espionage.

The legacy of McCarthy’s tactics, playing on Americans’ worst fears, has endured to this day.

According to Tye, the author, McCarthy and others who make unfounded or exaggerated accusations “shatter many Americans’ faith in their government, trust in their neighbors, and the willingness to speak up.”

McCarthy’s wayward response was the last straw for colleagues from both parties. They joined to formally censure him for dishonoring the Senate. Within three years he was dead, likely from the effects of alcoholism.

The McCarthy era was not the first period in which Americans faced questions about their loyalty. In 1798, a decade after the ratification of the Constitution, President John Adams signed the Alien and Sedition Acts. This set of laws made it a crime to publish “false, scandalous, and malicious writing” about the federal government. They resulted in newspaper editors being charged with crimes. And after the December 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor, the Roosevelt administration ordered Americans of Japanese descent to resettle in internment camps. This order was motivated by the fear that they might be loyal to Japan and betray the U.S. or act as spies.

McCarthy played on Americans’ worst fears. The legacy of his tactics has endured to this day.

According to Tye, the author, McCarthy and others who make unproven or inflated accusations “shatter many Americans’ faith in their government, trust in their neighbors, and the willingness to speak up.”