Photo of a person being beaten with sticks

A mob beats a Muslim man during protests over a new citizenship law, in New Delhi, 2020. Danish Siddiqui/Reuters

Will Democracy Survive in India?

A rise in extremism, a series of laws that discriminate against minorities, and a declining tolerance for dissent have many observers worried

A few days after an Indian court banned head scarves—also known as hijabs—for Muslim students, 11th-grader Leefa Mahek stood outside the gates of her school.

Leefa, a Muslim who wears a hijab, demanded to be let inside. But the administrators of Mahatma Gandhi Memorial College in Udupi, in southern India, refused. Suddenly she had no way to finish her education.

“Last minute, they are trying to pour water over our hard work,” she said. “They can’t do this.”

Historically, India has prided itself on being the world’s largest democracy and protecting minority rights, like those of its large Muslim community. But in the past few years, India has changed. Increasingly, extremist groups are targeting Muslims with hate speech, and authorities in this Hindu-majority country are deliberately ignoring it. Intolerance for dissent of all kinds is on the rise.

An Indian court banned head scarves, also known as hijabs, for Muslim students. A few days after, 11th-grader Leefa Mahek stood outside the gates of her school.

Leefa is a Muslim who wears a hijab. She demanded to be let inside the school. But the staff of Mahatma Gandhi Memorial College in Udupi, in southern India, refused. Suddenly, she had no way to finish her education.

“Last minute, they are trying to pour water over our hard work,” she said. “They can’t do this.”

India has long prided itself on being the world’s largest democracy. The nation also has a tradition of protecting minority rights, like those of its large Muslim community. But in the past few years, India has changed. More often, extremist groups are targeting Muslims with hate speech. The authorities in this Hindu-majority country are choosing to ignore the attacks. Intolerance for dissent of all kinds is also rising.

Jim McMahon

The changes have prompted many to ask whether democracy—the kind that broadly embraces freedom and human rights—is in danger in India.

“India is a thriving electoral democracy—more people vote in Indian elections than in any other elections on Earth,” says Sadanand Dhume, an India expert at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank in Washington, D.C. “But as a liberal democracy, it is in trouble: Independent courts, freedoms of the press, and minority rights are all under siege.”

Last year, Freedom House, an organization that issues a yearly report on democratic freedom around the world, downgraded India from its longtime “free” status to “partly free.” The 2021 report cited, among other things, “a multiyear pattern in which the Hindu nationalist government and its allies have presided over rising violence and discriminatory policies.”

The changes have led the nation away from its broad embrace of freedom and human rights. Many are now asking whether this type of democracy is in danger in India.

“India is a thriving electoral democracy—more people vote in Indian elections than in any other elections on Earth,” says Sadanand Dhume, an India expert at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank in Washington, D.C. “But as a liberal democracy, it is in trouble: Independent courts, freedoms of the press, and minority rights are all under siege.”

Freedom House issues a yearly report on democratic freedom around the world. Last year, the organization downgraded India from its longtime “free” status to “partly free.” The 2021 report cited “a multiyear pattern in which the Hindu nationalist government and its allies have presided over rising violence and discriminatory policies.”

Anindito Mukherjee/The New York Times (neighborhood); Ajay Verma/Reuters (voters)

(Left) A mostly Muslim neighborhood: Authorities demolished buildings in Khargone after violent clashes in April. (Right) Voters wait at a polling station in Chandigarh during the 2019 election. More people vote in India than in any other country.

An India for Hindus

Yuichi Yamazaki/Getty Images

Prime Minister Narendra Modi (above) has promoted Hindu nationalism.

The shift began in 2014, when Narendra Modi, leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (B.J.P.), first won election as prime minister. The B.J.P., a right-wing political party, believes in Hindu nationalism—the idea that India should be first and foremost for Hindus, who make up about 80 percent of the country’s population of 1.4 billion people. In 2019, Modi won re-election in a landslide; B.J.P. has a solid majority in parliament and controls the government of 17 of India’s 28 states.

Many of those B.J.P.-ruled states have passed laws that target Muslims and other minority groups, such as prohibiting Muslim girls from wearing head scarves in school, banning interfaith marriages, or prohibiting the eating of beef, which is an inexpensive meat that’s important to many Muslims’ diets. (Many Hindus consider cows holy and don’t eat beef.)

“We have seen a series of laws and executive decrees that are clearly discriminatory and are sending the message to the Muslim community that they are second-class citizens,” says Ashutosh Varshney, director of the Center for Contemporary South Asia at Brown University.

The shift began in 2014 when Narendra Modi first won his bid for prime minister. He is the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (B.J.P.), a right-wing political party. Hindus make up about 80 percent of the country’s population of 1.4 billion people. The B.J.P. believes in Hindu nationalism, the idea that India should be first and foremost for Hindus. In 2019, Modi won re-election in a landslide. B.J.P. also has a solid majority in parliament and controls the government of 17 of India’s 28 states.

Many of those B.J.P.-ruled states have passed laws that target Muslims and other minority groups. These include banning Muslim girls from wearing head scarves in school and interfaith marriages. The B.J.P. has also banned the eating of beef, a low-cost meat that’s important to many Muslims’ diets. (Many Hindus consider cows holy and don’t eat beef.)

“We have seen a series of laws and executive decrees that are clearly discriminatory and are sending the message to the Muslim community that they are second-class citizens,” says Ashutosh Varshney, director of the Center for Contemporary South Asia at Brown University.

Muslims make up 14 percent of India’s population.

It boils down to what it means to be an Indian and who qualifies. Modern India was born in 1947, when it gained independence from its longtime colonial ruler, Great Britain. The British partitioned the country into Hindu-majority India and the Muslim country of Pakistan.

But independence celebrations soon gave way to religious-based mob violence. Because many Muslims lived in what became India and many Hindus lived in what became Pakistan, partition sparked one of the largest mass migrations in history, and as many as 2 million people were killed in the violence that erupted along with it.

Today, Muslims make up 14 percent of India’s population—almost 200 million people. The country has other religious minorities, including sizable communities of Christians and Sikhs, but Muslims are by far the largest.

This history helps explain why there are two competing visions of India’s identity, Dhume says.

It boils down to what it means to be an Indian and who qualifies. Modern India was born in 1947. That year, the nation gained independence from its longtime colonial ruler, Great Britain. The British split the country into Hindu-majority India and the Muslim country of Pakistan.

But independence celebrations soon gave way to religious-based mob violence. Many Muslims lived in what became India and many Hindus lived in what became Pakistan. The divide sparked one of the largest mass migrations in history. As many as 2 million people were killed in the violence that erupted along with it.

Today, Muslims make up 14 percent of India’s population—almost 200 million people. The country has other religious minorities, including sizable communities of Christians and Sikhs. But Muslims are by far the largest.

This history helps explain why there are two competing visions of India’s identity, Dhume says.

“One is that it’s a secular republic, meaning that anyone who happens to be born there is equally Indian,” he says. “But there’s another view that was always there in the background but didn’t have much political or cultural power, which is the Hindu nationalist argument. Their point is that there is actually an original population, the Hindu population, that has suffered invasions and rule by foreigners for 1,000 years, and now it’s time for Hindus to assert their independence and authority.”

Modi and his allies have widely promoted this Hindu nationalist vision, with widespread effects. Extremist elements once considered on the fringe have increasingly taken their militant message into the mainstream, stirring up communal hate in a push to reshape India’s constitutionally protected secular republic into a Hindu state.

Vigilante violence has spiked: Mobs have beaten people accused of disrespecting cows. Couples have been dragged out of trains, cafés, and homes on the suspicion that Muslim men were seducing Hindu women. Hindu extremists have barged into religious gatherings where they suspect people are being converted.

“One is that it’s a secular republic, meaning that anyone who happens to be born there is equally Indian,” he says. “But there’s another view that was always there in the background but didn’t have much political or cultural power, which is the Hindu nationalist argument. Their point is that there is actually an original population, the Hindu population, that has suffered invasions and rule by foreigners for 1,000 years, and now it’s time for Hindus to assert their independence and authority.”

Modi and his allies have widely promoted this Hindu nationalist vision. Their efforts have had widespread effects. Extremists once considered too radical have taken their militant message into the mainstream. They’ve stirred up hate among the masses in a push to reshape India’s constitutionally protected secular republic into a Hindu state.

Vigilante violence has spiked: Mobs have beaten people accused of disrespecting cows. Couples have been dragged out of trains, cafés, and homes based on claims that Muslim men were seducing Hindu women. Hindu extremists have barged into religious gatherings where they suspect people are being converted.

Salman Ali/Hindustan Times via Getty Images

Students in New Delhi protest last spring against anti-Muslim violence

‘Hate Has Triumphed’

In Uttar Pradesh, India’s largest state, lawmakers in 2020 banned religious conversion by marriage, which Hindu nationalists call “love jihad”—the idea being that Muslim men are luring Hindu women into forced marriages to convert them to Islam. Several other B.J.P.-ruled states have since enacted similar laws.

Muhabit Khan, a Muslim, and Reema Singh, a Hindu, are the kind of interfaith couple that these laws target. For years, they kept their relationship secret from their families, meeting in dark alleyways, abandoned houses, and desolate graveyards. Singh says her father threatened to burn her alive if she stayed with Khan.

In 2019, they married in a small ceremony with four guests, thinking their families would eventually accept their decision. They never did, and the couple left the central Indian city of Bhopal to start a new life together in a different city.

“The hate has triumphed over love in India,” Khan says, “and it doesn’t seem it will go anywhere soon.”

This trend deeply concerns those who study Indian democracy. Milan Vaishnav of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace notes that whereas most countries grant voting rights gradually, India instituted universal adult suffrage from the moment of the country’s birth in 1947.

“That was a powerful symbol for the developing world,” Vaishnav says. “India has become a model for how you balance tremendous diversity with democratic practice, so for India to succumb to such backsliding is troubling.”

In Uttar Pradesh, India’s largest state, lawmakers in 2020 banned religious conversion by marriage. Hindu nationalists call the practice “love jihad.” The term underscores their belief that Muslim men are luring Hindu women into forced marriages to convert them to Islam. Several other B.J.P.-ruled states have since put similar laws in place.

Muhabit Khan, a Muslim, and Reema Singh, a Hindu, are the kind of interfaith couple that these laws target. For years, they kept their relationship secret from their families. They met in dark alleyways, abandoned houses, and graveyards. Singh says her father threatened to burn her alive if she stayed with Khan.

In 2019, they married in a small ceremony with four guests. They thought that their families would accept their decision someday. But their families never did. As a result, the couple left the central Indian city of Bhopal to start a new life together in a different city.

“The hate has triumphed over love in India,” Khan says, “and it doesn’t seem it will go anywhere soon.”

This trend deeply concerns those who study Indian democracy. Most countries grant voting rights gradually, says Milan Vaishnav of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. But India instituted universal adult suffrage from the moment of the country’s birth in 1947, he says.

“That was a powerful symbol for the developing world,” Vaishnav says. “India has become a model for how you balance tremendous diversity with democratic practice, so for India to succumb to such backsliding is troubling.”

Can democracy work in a huge country like India?

One in six human beings live in India, which is expected to surpass China next year as the world’s most populous nation. If democracy falls apart in India, that’s a huge chunk of the world no longer living in freedom. Furthermore, political scientists note that it’s relatively easy for a homogenous, wealthy country—like many in Europe—to be a democracy, but it’s more challenging if the country is poorer and very diverse, like India.

“India was the direct refutation of the idea that democracy is some kind of luxury good; India proved that democracy could be a product of mass consumption,” says Dhume. “If India ceases to be a democracy, then maybe it means democracy is only applicable to a small subset of the world’s population.”

One in six human beings live in India. The nation is expected to surpass China next year as the world’s most populous country. If democracy falls apart in India, that’s a huge chunk of the world no longer living in freedom. Beyond that, political scientists note that it’s relatively easy for a wealthy country with less diversity to be a democracy. This is the situation of many European countries. But it’s harder if the country is poorer and very diverse, like India, they say.

“India was the direct refutation of the idea that democracy is some kind of luxury good; India proved that democracy could be a product of mass consumption,” says Dhume. “If India ceases to be a democracy, then maybe it means democracy is only applicable to a small subset of the world’s population.”

With reporting by Sameer Yasir, Suhasini Raj, and Emily Schmall of The New York Times.

With reporting by Sameer Yasir, Suhasini Raj, and Emily Schmall of The New York Times.

INDIA At a Glance

PER CAPITA GDP

$6,100

(U.S.: $60,200)

(U.S.: $60,200)

LIFE EXPECTANCY

67.2 years

(U.S.: 80.6 years)

(U.S.: 80.6 years)

LITERACY RATE

74.4%

(U.S.: 99%)

(U.S.: 99%)

SOURCE: World Factbook (C.I.A.)

SOURCE: World Factbook (C.I.A.)

Illustration by Tim O’Brien

Gandhi is no longer universally revered in India

Gandhi: From Hero to Villain?

Admiration for Gandhi’s killer is on the rise in today’s India

Mohandas K. Gandhi is the George Washington of India. His campaign of nonviolent resistence helped win India’s independence from the British Empire in 1947. He’s considered the country’s founding father, and he’s admired around the world.

In India, however, Gandhi is no longer universally revered as he once was. The rise of Hindu nationalism has fueled hardline beliefs. And among extremists, admiration for Nathuram Vinayak Godse, the man who assassinated Gandhi, is growing.

Across the country, extremists have erected more than a dozen statues of Gandhi’s killer and even converted several Hindu temples into temples that honor Godse’s memory. In 1948, Godse shot Gandhi, who was Hindu, because he believed Gandhi was too supportive of Muslims and blamed him for letting Pakistan split off from India.

Though Gandhi is lionized internationally as one of history’s most influential peacemakers, some Hindu nationalists see him as a traitor and his killer as the real hero.

Ramachandra Guha, a biographer of Gandhi, says that fans of Gandhi’s killer are no longer a fringe group. Godse admiration has found a place among what he considers a worryingly large segment of the population.

“It is foul, despicable,” says Guha, “but it is real and widespread.”

Mohandas K. Gandhi is the George Washington of India. His campaign of nonviolent resistence helped win India’s independence from the British Empire in 1947. He’s considered the country’s founding father, and he’s admired around the world.

In India, however, Gandhi is no longer universally revered as he once was. The rise of Hindu nationalism has fueled hardline beliefs. And among extremists, admiration for Nathuram Vinayak Godse, the man who assassinated Gandhi, is growing.

Across the country, extremists have erected more than a dozen statues of Gandhi’s killer and even converted several Hindu temples into temples that honor Godse’s memory. In 1948, Godse shot Gandhi, who was Hindu, because he believed Gandhi was too supportive of Muslims and blamed him for letting Pakistan split off from India.

Though Gandhi is lionized internationally as one of history’s most influential peacemakers, some Hindu nationalists see him as a traitor and his killer as the real hero.

Ramachandra Guha, a biographer of Gandhi, says that fans of Gandhi’s killer are no longer a fringe group. Godse admiration has found a place among what he considers a worryingly large segment of the population.

“It is foul, despicable,” says Guha, “but it is real and widespread.”

Smita Sharma/The New York Times

Hindu nationalists honor a statue of Nathuram Vinayak Godse, who killed Gandhi in 1948.

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