Six Things You Probably Didn’t Know About the American Revolution

The story of the American Revolution usually starts like this:
On April 19, 1775, red-coated British troops marched to Lexington, and then Concord, Massachusetts. Fearing a rebellion in the American Colonies, they came to seize weapons and gunpowder and assert the authority of the King of England. But thanks to the warnings of Paul Revere and other Patriots, the “Minutemen” from the local militia, attired in civilian clothing, had already gathered in wait. A standoff ensued, “the shot heard ’round the world” rang out (historians still don’t know definitively who fired it), and so began the American Revolution (1775-83). The conflict transformed the Colonies from disjointed British territories into a unified nation, and it has captured the American imagination ever since. Yet 250 years later, a lot about our nation’s origin story still gets overlooked or misunderstood. Here are six lesser-known facts about the fight for independence.

Jim McMahon

In 1764, the British started to tax American colonists on goods such as sugar and stamps to pay off debt from the Seven Years’ War, in which British and French forces had faced off over control of American territory. (The British won resoundingly.) While very unpopular, these levies weren’t that high. Even after their passage, colonists paid five times less in taxes than their British counterparts, says Matthew Lockwood, a history professor at the University of Alabama.

The real issue was control. Britain’s victory in the Seven Years’ War added vast stretches of land to its empire. To manage all this new territory, King George III and Parliament decided they needed to rule with a firmer hand. Suddenly, Britain wanted to dictate not just how the Colonies were taxed, but also how they regulated trade and whether they could expand westward.

“Taxation without representation” was a catchy, if misleadingly simplistic, rallying cry. But representation in London wouldn’t have fixed the basic conflict at the heart of the war: The British wanted power over the Colonies, and the colonists wanted to make governance decisions for themselves.

“It’s a great myth to think this could have all been solved if the colonists could get seats in Parliament,” says Alan Taylor, a historian at the University of Virginia. “The colonists realized . . . [compared to Britain], they’d still be a minority.”

In 1764, after the Seven Years’ War, in which British and French forces had faced off over control of American territory, the British were in debt. They started to tax American colonists on goods such as sugar and stamps to pay off that debt. While very unpopular, these levies weren’t that high. Colonists paid five times less in taxes than their British counterparts, says Matthew Lockwood, a history professor at the University of Alabama.

The real issue was control. Britain’s victory in the Seven Years’ War added large pieces of land to its empire. To manage all this new territory, King George III and Parliament decided they needed stricter rule. Suddenly, Britain wanted to decide not just how the Colonies were taxed, but also how they regulated trade and whether they could expand westward.

“Taxation without representation” was a catchy, if misleadingly simplistic, rallying cry. But representation in London wouldn’t have fixed the basic issue of the war. The British wanted power over the Colonies, and the colonists wanted to make governance decisions for themselves.

“It’s a great myth to think this could have all been solved if the colonists could get seats in Parliament,” says Alan Taylor, a historian at the University of Virginia. “The colonists realized . . . [compared to Britain], they’d still be a minority.”

We may think of the Revolution as a battle waged by a unified group of Americans who wanted their freedom from the mother country. But coming out of the Seven Years’ War, the majority of colonists were perfectly happy to be part of the British Empire, says Michael Hensinger of the Museum of the American Revolution in Philadelphia.

“They think that they have more liberties than most people on the planet—there’s a lot of very pro-British Empire sentiment.”

That good will eroded as Britain exerted more authority, including sending soldiers to enforce unpopular policies and taxes. Still, for most colonists, independence wasn’t top of mind, largely because a cohesive “American” identity hadn’t really formed yet, Hensinger says.

We may think of the Revolution as a battle fought by a unified group of Americans who wanted their freedom from the mother country. But after the Seven Years’ War, the majority of colonists were perfectly happy to be part of the British Empire, says Michael Hensinger of the Museum of the American Revolution in Philadelphia.

“They think that they have more liberties than most people on the planet—there’s a lot of very pro-British Empire sentiment.”

That good will eroded as Britain exerted more control, including sending soldiers to enforce unpopular policies and taxes. Still, for most colonists, independence wasn’t top of mind. A cohesive “American” identity hadn’t really formed yet, Hensinger says.

Historians estimate that between a fifth and a third of Americans were Loyalists, supporting Britain, with allegiances varying by region. In New England, which had a denser and more civically engaged population, the Patriot cause attracted considerably more support than in the more rural South.

Openly backing the British crown could be dangerous. In the lead-up to the war, some radical Patriots tarred and feathered Loyalists and British officials.

During the war, state governments punished Loyalists by seizing and selling their property. Thousands of Loyalists fled to British territories such as Canada and the Bahamas.

The American Revolution “is a civil war,” Taylor says. “Americans are fighting on both sides.”

Historians estimate that between a fifth and a third of Americans were Loyalists, supporting Britain. This support varied by region. In New England, which had a denser and more civically engaged population, the Patriot cause was more popular than in the more rural South.

Openly backing the British crown could be dangerous. Before the war started, some radical Patriots tarred and feathered Loyalists and British officials.

During the war, state governments punished Loyalists by seizing and selling their property. Thousands of Loyalists fled to British territories such as Canada and the Bahamas.

The American Revolution “is a civil war,” Taylor says. “Americans are fighting on both sides.”

After the Revolutionary War started, a teenager named John Randall escaped slavery in Connecticut to enlist with the British Army. Thousands of other enslaved people would join him in seeking their freedom.

At the start of the war, historians estimate, 500,000 African Americans lived in the Colonies, the vast majority of them enslaved. In November 1775, the British issued a proclamation that decreed freedom for any enslaved person who escaped and joined their army. The Continental Army was more reluctant to make this promise. As a result, “there are many more African Americans who fight to help the British than to help the Patriots,” Taylor says.

However, as the colonists grew more desperate for new recruits, they began to use freedom as an incentive. By the end of the war, African Americans comprised about 10 percent of Patriot forces, including a majority Black regiment in Rhode Island.

Native Americans also played a crucial role in the fighting, particularly in battles west of the Appalachian Mountains. With a few notable exceptions, including the Oneida and Tuscarora, Indigenous nations overwhelmingly took up arms against the Patriots, who were agitating to push westward. In contrast, says Lockwood, the British were “the ones who might hold back the continual movement of the frontier.”

After the Revolutionary War started, a teenager named John Randall escaped slavery in Connecticut to enlist with the British Army. Thousands of other enslaved people would join him in seeking their freedom.

At the start of the war, historians estimate, 500,000 African Americans lived in the Colonies. Most of them were enslaved. In November 1775, the British issued a proclamation. It granted freedom for any enslaved person who escaped and joined their army. The Continental Army was more reluctant to make this promise. As a result, “there are many more African Americans who fight to help the British than to help the Patriots,” Taylor says.

However, the colonists grew more desperate for new recruits. They began to use freedom as an incentive. By the end of the war, African Americans comprised about 10 percent of Patriot forces, including a majority Black regiment in Rhode Island.

Native Americans also played an important role in the fighting, particularly in battles west of the Appalachian Mountains. With a few notable exceptions, including the Oneida and Tuscarora, Indigenous nations overwhelmingly took up arms against the Patriots. They wanted to prevent the Patriots’ westward expansion. In contrast, says Lockwood, the British were “the ones who might hold back the continual movement of the frontier.”

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We tend to think of Washington as an invincible leader and the “father of his country,” but he had his weaknesses. Known for his bravery and big-picture strategic thinking, Washington struggled when it came to planning and executing the details necessary to achieve victory on the battlefield.

“If you look at his win-loss record, it’s not great,” Hensinger says. “He loses more battles than he wins.”

Often, Washington overestimated his ability to execute complex maneuvers that required precise timing. This tendency almost derailed the Continental Army’s December 1776 victory at the Battle of Trenton, in New Jersey—which you might know as Washington’s famous “crossing of the Delaware.” Washington had cooked up a complicated plan that required his army to split up and cross the Delaware River at three different points and march varying distances to arrive at Trenton at the same time, Hensinger says.

There, they would attack the Hessians, German troops helping the British, from multiple sides.

But the strategy fell apart, with only Washington’s group making it to the meeting point.

Ultimately, Washington won the battle owing to tactical mistakes by the Hessians, an outcome that turned the tide in favor of the Continental Army. But it all could have gone sideways “if just a few things had gone differently,” Hesinger says.

We tend to think of Washington as an invincible leader and the “father of his country,” but he had his weaknesses. Washington was known for his bravery and big-picture strategic thinking. But he struggled when it came to planning and executing the details necessary to achieve victory on the battlefield.

“If you look at his win-loss record, it’s not great,” Hensinger says. “He loses more battles than he wins.”

Often, Washington overestimated his ability to execute complex moves that required exact timing. This tendency almost ruined the Continental Army’s December 1776 victory at the Battle of Trenton, in New Jersey. (You might know this as Washington’s famous “crossing of the Delaware”). Washington had drawn up a complicated plan that required his army to split up and cross the Delaware River at three different points. Each group then had to march varying distances to arrive at Trenton at the same time, Hensinger says.

There, they would attack the Hessians, German troops helping the British, from multiple sides.

But the strategy fell apart. Only Washington’s group made it to the meeting point.

Ultimately, Washington won the battle due to tactical mistakes by the Hessians. This victory turned the tide in favor of the Continental Army. But it all could have gone sideways “if just a few things had gone differently,” Hensinger says.

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In 1777, at the age of 19, a French nobleman known as the Marquis de Lafayette set sail for America against the wishes of his family—and the French government. While France had delighted in the insurgency against its longtime rival Britain, it wasn’t ready to publicly support the colonists in their fight for independence. Lafayette had a personal vendetta against the British—they had killed his father in the Seven Years’ War—and he wanted to join the fight against them.

In America, Lafayette quickly rose through the ranks of the Continental Army despite his youth and lack of experience, largely because of his valuable lineage: An aristocrat with strong connections at Versailles, seat of the French throne, he had real political capital, says historian John Ferling. Luckily, he also proved to be an adept military leader.

In 1777, at the age of 19, a French nobleman known as the Marquis de Lafayette set sail for America. He left against the wishes of his family and the French government. While France had delighted in the insurgency against its longtime rival Britain, it wasn’t ready to publicly support the colonists in their fight for independence. Lafayette had a personal vendetta against the British. His father had been in the Seven Years’ War and he wanted to join the fight against them.

In America, Lafayette quickly rose through the ranks of the Continental Army despite his youth and lack of experience. This was largely because of his valuable lineage. He was an aristocrat with strong connections at Versailles, seat of the French throne. He had real political capital, says historian John Ferling. Luckily, he also proved to be an adept military leader.

But Lafayette’s biggest contribution to the Patriots’ cause wasn’t on the battlefield but at Versailles. In 1779, he was granted leave from the army and returned home to France. There, he pushed the French to back the Continental Army, says Elise Reagan of the Charleston Museum in South Carolina, where Lafayette first arrived. These efforts paid off handsomely: In addition to top-notch gunpowder and money, “he is able to secure about 6,000 French troops that are sent to America to fight on our side,” Reagan says, support that ultimately tipped the scales in favor of the Continental Army.

But Lafayette’s biggest contribution to the Patriots’ cause wasn’t on the battlefield but at Versailles. In 1779, he was granted leave from the army. He returned home to France. There, he pushed the French to back the Continental Army, says Elise Reagan of the Charleston Museum in South Carolina. (Lafayette first arrived on the South Carolina coast.) These efforts paid off handsomely. In addition to top-notch gunpowder and money, “he is able to secure about 6,000 French troops that are sent to America to fight on our side,” Reagan says. This French support ultimately tipped the scales in favor of the Continental Army.

In the fall of 1781, Washington and his men marched to Yorktown, Virginia, to lay siege to British troops. Cut off from naval support by French ships and outmanned on land by an allied army of French and Continental infantrymen, British forces surrendered.

It’s a decisive moment that “triggered Parliament to consider, ‘Is this all worth it?’’ Hensinger says.

The short answer? No. In addition to the Revolutionary War, Britain was engaged in a sprawling fight with France and Spain over contested territories across the globe. The American Colonies had never been as lucrative for Britain as its Caribbean territories. Surrendering to redirect resources made strategic sense.

Yorktown wasn’t the end of the bloodshed, however. American allies such as France continued to battle Britain abroad. In America, fighting persisted between the Continental Army and Indigenous peoples.

Later battles included the Burning of Hanna’s Town, in which Seneca soldiers and their British allies destroyed a settler community in Pennsylvania, and the Battle of Blue Licks, in which Native American and Loyalist fighters ambushed Kentucky militiamen.

“The conflicts don’t stop because the Western movement doesn’t stop,” the University of Alabama’s Lockwood says. “It only grows after the Revolution.”

In the fall of 1781, Washington and his men marched to Yorktown, Virginia, to lay siege to British troops. The British were cut off from naval support by French ships and outmanned on land by an allied army of French and Continental infantrymen. There, the British forces surrendered.

It’s a decisive moment that “triggered Parliament to consider, ‘Is this all worth it?’’ Hensinger says.

The short answer? No. In addition to the Revolutionary War, Britain was engaged in a widespread fight with France and Spain over other territories across the globe. The American Colonies had never been as profitable for Britain as its Caribbean territories. Surrendering to redirect resources made strategic sense.

Yorktown wasn’t the end of the bloodshed, however. American allies such as France continued to battle Britain abroad. In America, fighting persisted between the Continental Army and Indigenous peoples.

Later battles included the Burning of Hanna’s Town, in which Seneca soldiers and their British allies destroyed a settler community in Pennsylvania. In the Battle of Blue Licks, Native American and Loyalist fighters ambushed Kentucky militiamen.

“The conflicts don’t stop because the Western movement doesn’t stop,” the University of Alabama’s Lockwood says. “It only grows after the Revolution.”