Trump’s Inbox

When he decisively won the election in November after voters had tossed him from the White House in 2020, Donald Trump completed a political comeback almost unprecedented in American history.

Now comes the more difficult part.

President Trump will have to find a way to govern a United States that’s rarely been so disunited politically and to deliver on the many promises he made to fix what he said was a broken nation.

“I will govern by a simple motto: Promises made, promises kept,” Trump said in November during his victory speech.

He begins his term with a Republican-controlled Congress to help him carry out his agenda.

“He’s got pretty smooth sailing in terms of the legislative process, unless he encounters some Republican resistance,“ says Barbara A. Perry, a historian at the University of Virginia’s Miller Center.

But experts say his ambitious domestic agenda faces significant financial, logistical, and, potentially, legal challenges. He’ll also have to deal with a host of issues at home and abroad, from immigration to wars in Europe and the Middle East. Here are six of the biggest issues on his and the nation’s plate.

Donald Trump decisively won the election in November after voters had tossed him from the White House in 2020. He completed a political comeback almost unheard of in American history.

Now comes the harder part.

President Trump will have to find a way to govern a politically divided United States. And he must deliver on the many promises he made to fix what he said was a broken nation.

“I will govern by a simple motto: Promises made, promises kept,” he said in November during his victory speech.

Trump begins his term with a Republican-controlled Congress. This will help him carry out his agenda.

“He’s got pretty smooth sailing in terms of the legislative process, unless he encounters some Republican resistance,” says Barbara A. Perry, a historian at the University of Virginia’s Miller Center.

But experts say his large-scale domestic agenda faces significant financial, logistical, and, potentially, legal challenges. He’ll have to deal with a host of issues at home including immigration. He also faces wars in Europe and the Middle East. Here are six of the biggest issues on his and the nation’s plate.

Fighting inflation and bringing down the cost of basic goods

Voters in exit polls cited the economy as a top concern. Trump has promised to lower inflation, which surged in 2022 as the pandemic receded, and to cut the costs of everyday goods like gas and groceries.

“My plan will rapidly defeat inflation, quickly bring down prices, and reignite explosive economic growth,” he vowed in September.

As of this fall, inflation had returned to a more normal rate of 2.6 percent in the U.S., though many Americans still complain that too much of their paychecks goes toward buying basic goods.

Many economists point out that at least some aspects of inflation are difficult for presidents to control.

“Inflation has been moderately high in many countries, including the United States,” says Kaushik Basu, an economist at Cornell University. “The COVID crisis, the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, these things cause shortages in supplies, and when there are shortages, prices go up.”

Voters in exit polls cited the economy as a top worry. Trump has promised to lower inflation, which surged in 2022 as the pandemic receded. He also said he would cut the costs of everyday goods like gas and groceries.

“My plan will rapidly defeat inflation, quickly bring down prices, and reignite explosive economic growth,” he vowed in September.

As of this fall, inflation had returned to a more normal rate of 2.6 percent in the U.S. However, many Americans still complain that they are paying too much for basic goods.

Many economists point out that at least some aspects of inflation are difficult for presidents to control.

“Inflation has been moderately high in many countries, including the United States,” says Kaushik Basu, an economist at Cornell University. “The COVID crisis, the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, these things cause shortages in supplies, and when there are shortages, prices go up.”

President Trump’s other big plan for the economy is to impose a universal tariff, or tax, on most imported goods. The idea is to raise the prices of foreign-made products so that American manufacturers can better compete, protecting U.S. factory jobs.

But the tariff plan comes with significant risks. Raising prices on foreign goods also raises prices for U.S. manufacturers and businesses that must buy materials and parts from abroad. Those higher costs could get passed on to U.S. consumers. The tariffs could also hurt American exports if other countries decide to retaliate, or enter a trade war, and impose tariffs on American-made goods.

“Lowering inflation is not easy, but he may achieve that initially,” Basu says, noting the reduced pressures on global supply chains. “But there is the tariff question...which can again cause prices to go up.”

President Trump’s other big plan for the economy is to impose a universal tariff, or tax, on most imported goods. This will raise the prices of foreign-made products. The idea is to allow American manufacturers to better compete and therefore, protect U.S. factory jobs.

But the tariff plan comes with significant risks. Raising prices on foreign goods also raises prices on materials and parts from abroad. U.S. manufacturers and businesses will have to pay a higher price for those supplies. The higher costs could get passed on to U.S. consumers. The tariffs could also hurt American exports. Other countries could decide to strike back, or enter a trade war, and place tariffs on American-made goods.

“Lowering inflation is not easy, but he may achieve that initially,” Basu says, noting the reduced pressures on global supply chains. “But there is the tariff question . . . which can again cause prices to go up.”

Navigating wars in Europe and the Middle East

President Trump has made bold claims about the wars in Ukraine and Gaza. He has said he would end the Ukraine-Russia war “in 24 hours” but hasn’t provided any details about how he would do so.

Many national security experts believe the only way to achieve this goal would be to pressure Ukraine to agree to a deal that would allow Russia to hold onto some or all of the territory—roughly 20 percent of Ukraine—that it has seized since its 2022 invasion. The U.S. has so far given Ukraine more than $64 billion in military aid. But Congress remains divided on whether to continue that aid, with many Democrats and some Republicans strongly backing Ukraine.

Trump has also said he would end Israel’s war in Gaza. He’s supported the right of Israel to defend itself after the October 7 attack by Hamas, but he also called on Israel to “finish up” its campaign. The Biden administration has spent more than a year unsuccessfully trying to negotiate with Israel and Hamas to end the war.

“The United States has leverage over Israel,” says Richard Haass, former president of the Council on Foreign Relations and a senior counselor at Centerview Partners, an investment bank. “The question is whether a Trump administration would be prepared to use it and how the Israelis would respond.”

Haass points out that even if the U.S. were successful regarding Gaza, Israel is also ensnared in conflicts in Lebanon and the West Bank, and has exchanged fire with Iran.

“The United States,” he says, “has considerable influence, but influence is not control.”

President Trump has made bold claims about the wars in Ukraine and Gaza. He has said he would end the Ukraine-Russia war “in 24 hours.” But he hasn’t provided any details about how he would do so.

Many national security experts believe the only way to achieve this goal would be to pressure Ukraine to agree to a deal that would allow Russia to hold on to some or all of the territory that it has seized since its 2022 invasion. This territory accounts for roughly 20 percent of Ukraine. The U.S. has so far given Ukraine more than $64 billion in military aid. But Congress remains divided on whether to continue that aid. Many Democrats and some Republicans still strongly back Ukraine.

Trump has also said he would end Israel’s war in Gaza. He’s supported the right of Israel to defend itself after the October 7 attack by Hamas. He also has urged Israel to “finish up” its campaign. The Biden administration has spent more than a year unsuccessfully trying to negotiate with Israel and Hamas to end the war.

“The United States has leverage over Israel,” says Richard Haass, former president of the Council on Foreign Relations and a senior counselor at Centerview Partners, an investment bank. “The question is whether a Trump administration would be prepared to use it and how the Israelis would respond.”

Haass points out that even if the U.S. were successful regarding Gaza, Israel is also involved in conflicts with Lebanon and the West Bank. It has also exchanged fire with Iran.

“The United States,” he says, “has considerable influence, but influence is not control.”

Putting ‘America First’?

President Trump has suggested he’ll take an “America first” approach to foreign policy, as he did in his first term. His presidency would once again represent a drastic shift from the role of supportive ally and promoter of democracy that the U.S. has largely played since World War II—and one that the Biden administration attempted to restore by expanding alliances.

“Trump holds a much more transactional view, historically, in relations with allies,” Haass says. “It’s highly unlikely that allies would enjoy a special place under a Trump administration.” For instance, Trump has said he would re-evaluate the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), a Cold War-era military alliance of European and North American nations that has been critical in helping Ukraine defend itself against Russia. He’s said that member countries need to pay more for defense.

Trump has also suggested stepping back from other alliances. He disparaged a 73-year-old mutual defense treaty between the U.S. and Japan and wrote on social media last year, “We should never give money anymore without the hope of a payback or without ‘strings’ attached.”

Whatever he chooses to do, Trump may discover that he’s operating in a far more complex era than during his first term. He faces a growing partnership between China and Russia—with deepening links to North Korea and Iran—and a far stronger Chinese military.

“This is a much more disorderly world facing the 47th president,” Haass says. “Despite our many strengths, our ability to shape the world is somewhat reduced, in part, as a result of our own domestic problems.”

President Trump has suggested he’ll take an “America first” approach to foreign policy, as he did in his first term. His presidency would once again represent a drastic shift from the role of supportive ally and promoter of democracy that the U.S. has largely played since World War II. The Biden administration attempted to restore that role by expanding alliances.

“Trump holds a much more transactional view, historically, in relations with allies,” Haass says. “It’s highly unlikely that allies would enjoy a special place under a Trump administration.” For instance, Trump has said he would re-evaluate the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). NATO is the Cold War-era military alliance of European and North American nations that has been critical in helping Ukraine defend itself against Russia. He’s said that member countries need to pay more for defense.

Trump has also suggested stepping back from other alliances. He criticized a 73-year-old mutual defense treaty between the U.S. and Japan. He wrote on social media last year, “We should never give money anymore without the hope of a payback or without ‘strings’ attached.”

Whatever he chooses to do, Trump may discover that he’s operating in a far more complex time than during his first term. He faces a growing partnership between China and Russia—with growing ties to North Korea and Iran—and a far stronger Chinese military.

“This is a much more disorderly world facing the 47th president,” Haass says. “Despite our many strengths, our ability to shape the world is somewhat reduced, in part, as a result of our own domestic problems.”

Dealing with a border crisis and fixing a broken system

Last year, Congress reached an agreement on an immigration bill that would have tightened border security and limited asylum for migrants. But Trump convinced Republican lawmakers to vote against it. Now the immigration problem is his to solve.

In 2023, federal agents encountered 2.5 million migrants at the southern border, a record high, as many sought asylum from violence or repression in their home countries. Trump has said those immigrants are taking American jobs and housing. He’s vowed to conduct the “largest deportation operation in American history” of undocumented immigrants by using the military and law enforcement; finish building the border wall he began during his first term; end birthright citizenship for children born in the U.S. to undocumented immigrants; and reduce legal immigration.

Last year, Congress reached an agreement on an immigration bill that would have tightened border security and limited asylum for migrants. But Trump convinced Republican lawmakers to vote against it. Now the immigration problem is his to solve.

In 2023, federal agents encountered a record high 2.5 million migrants at the southern border. Many were seeking asylum from violence or repression in their home countries. Trump has said those immigrants are taking American jobs and housing. He’s vowed to use the military and law enforcement to conduct the “largest deportation operation in American history” of undocumented immigrants. He wants to finish building the border wall he began during his first term and end birthright citizenship for children born in the U.S. to undocumented immigrants. He also wants to reduce legal immigration.

Putting aside the political opposition to his proposals, simply paying for them would be a major challenge, experts say. The American Immigration Council, an immigration rights and policy firm, estimates that deportations of this scale would cost hundreds of billions of dollars. They would also require a massive expansion of the immigration court system and tens of thousands more immigration agents, among other challenges.

“He’s going to have to figure out . . . how are you going to get people back to their countries of origin? Are their countries of origin actually going to take them?” says Kathleen Hall Jamieson, director of the Annenberg Public Policy Center. “State and local [governments] may not cooperate in some areas.”

Trump will also face legal challenges from by immigrant rights groups, which emphasize the human cost of his plans.

“He is pursuing a number of policies that would harm immigrant communities,” says Raha Wala, a vice president at the National Immigration Law Center. “We’re organizing to be even more prepared to stop [them].”

But Trump has found strong support for his proposals in many communities dealing with record numbers of immigrants. It remains to be seen how he will address the issue when confronted with the actual situation on the ground.

Putting aside the political opposition to his proposals, simply paying for them would be a major challenge, experts say. The American Immigration Council, an immigration rights and policy firm, estimates that deportations of this scale would cost hundreds of billions of dollars. They would also require a huge expansion of the immigration court system. The plan would also require tens of thousands more immigration agents, among other challenges.

“He’s going to have to figure out . . . how are you going to get people back to their countries of origin? Are their countries of origin actually going to take them?” says Kathleen Hall Jamieson, director of the Annenberg Public Policy Center. “State and local [governments] may not cooperate in some areas.”

Trump will also face legal challenges from immigrant rights groups, which stress the human cost of his plans.

“He is pursuing a number of policies that would harm immigrant communities,” says Raha Wala, a vice president at the National Immigration Law Center. “We’re organizing to be even more prepared to stop [them].”

But Trump has found strong support for his proposals in many communities dealing with record numbers of immigrants. It remains to be seen how he will address the issue when confronted with the actual situation on the ground.

What will the president do about climate change?

President Trump doesn’t believe climate change is an urgent problem. He has even called it a hoax. He says he will help the U.S.—which signed a global agreement in 2023 to transition away from fossil fuels—to ramp up oil production beyond current record levels. He’s called for repealing the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act, which poured more than $390 billion into clean energy technology, and which he says worsened inflation. As he did during his first term, he’s expected to withdraw the U.S. from the 2015 Paris climate agreement, an international pact aiming to mitigate climate change, which he has called “unfair” to U.S. economic interests. Republican control of Congress and a conservative supermajority on the Supreme Court could help Trump loosen environmental regulations.

Local governments could push back against some of these efforts. Voters in states including California and Washington recently approved policies to fight climate change, such as capping fossil fuel emissions and increasing funding for climate projects. And roughly 80 percent of the Inflation Reduction Act’s funding has gone to Republican congressional districts, where lawmakers and business leaders want to protect the investment and jobs they bring.

“The locus of climate action is going to shift to the states,” says Martin Lockman, a fellow at the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law at Columbia University.

Elon Musk, the billionaire co-founder of electric car company Tesla and a close Trump adviser, has described himself as “pro-environment,” and some experts wonder whether Musk’s views could influence the president. Musk told Trump in August: “I think we should generally lean in the direction of sustainability.”

President Trump doesn’t believe climate change is an urgent problem. He has even called it a hoax. He says he will help the U.S.—which signed a global agreement in 2023 to transition away from fossil fuels—to ramp up oil production beyond current record levels. He’s called for repealing the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act. That law poured more than $390 billion into clean energy technology. Trump says it worsened inflation. As he did during his first term, he’s expected to withdraw the U.S. from the 2015 Paris climate agreement, an international pact aiming to mitigate climate change. He has called the agreement “unfair” to U.S. economic interests. Republican control of Congress and a conservative supermajority on the Supreme Court could help Trump loosen environmental regulations.

Local governments could push back against some of these efforts. Voters in states including California and Washington recently approved policies to fight climate change. These include capping fossil fuel emissions and increasing funding for climate projects. And roughly 80 percent of the Inflation Reduction Act’s funding has gone to Republican congressional districts, where lawmakers and business leaders want to protect the investment and jobs they bring.

“The locus of climate action is going to shift to the states,” says Martin Lockman, a fellow at the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law at Columbia University.

Elon Musk, the billionaire co-founder of electric car company Tesla, is a close Trump adviser. Some experts wonder whether Musk’s self-described “pro-environment” views could influence the president. Musk told Trump in August: “I think we should generally lean in the direction of sustainability.”

How much power should the nation’s chief executive have?

Throughout the campaign, Trump and his allies promised to increase the president’s authority over every part of the federal government. That realignment includes bringing independent federal agencies under presidential control; reviving a practice, outlawed in the 1970s, of refusing to spend money allocated by Congress on initiatives a president doesn’t like; and removing employment protections from tens of thousands of government workers, who Trump views as part of a corrupt “deep state,” making it easier to replace them if he sees them as obstacles to his agenda.

President Trump also says he would end the independence of the Justice Department, the agency responsible for enforcing federal law at every level of the government. And experts say the Supreme Court’s recent ruling that presidents can’t be prosecuted for any “presidential acts” while in office would further remove constraints on his power.

“That doesn’t mean anything a president would ever do would be approved by the Supreme Court,” says Perry, the historian. “They’re saying he is criminally immune from prosecution.”

Even with full Republican control of the federal government and a Supreme Court with six conservative justices, three appointed by Trump during his first term, local governments could push back.

“We have a federal system so that states have very clear prerogatives that the federal government can’t encroach on,” says Hall Jamieson, of the Annenberg Public Policy Center. “We are not living in a situation in which a president of the United States can aggregate unconstrained power, because our system is designed to ensure that does not happen.”

Throughout the campaign, Trump and his allies promised to increase the president’s authority over every part of the federal government. That realignment includes bringing independent federal agencies under presidential control. It would revive a practice, outlawed in the 1970s, of refusing to spend money allocated by Congress on initiatives a president doesn’t like. It would also remove employment protections from tens of thousands of government workers, who Trump views as part of a corrupt “deep state,” making it easier to replace them if he sees them as obstacles to his agenda.

President Trump also says he would end the independence of the Justice Department. The agency is responsible for enforcing federal law at every level of the government. Experts say the Supreme Court’s recent ruling that presidents can’t be prosecuted for any “presidential acts” while in office would further remove limits on his power.

“That doesn’t mean anything a president would ever do would be approved by the Supreme Court,” says Perry, the historian. “They’re saying he is criminally immune from prosecution.”

Even with full Republican control of the federal government and a Supreme Court with six conservative justices, three appointed by Trump during his first term, local governments could push back.

“We have a federal system so that states have very clear prerogatives that the federal government can’t encroach on,” says Hall Jamieson, of the Annenberg Public Policy Center. “We are not living in a situation in which a president of the United States can aggregate unconstrained power, because our system is designed to ensure that does not happen.”