Upheaval in Russia

Russia has a long history of autocratic government (see timeline slideshow below). For centuries, it was ruled by czars, essentially emperors with total control. The Russian Revolution in 1917 overthrew the monarchy and established the Soviet Union, but the Communist government became a totalitarian dictatorship. In the 1930s, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin carried out widespread and brutal crackdowns to stifle dissent, killing as many as 20 million of his own people.

In the aftermath of World War II, the Soviet Union became one of the world’s two superpowers (along with the U.S.). But it remained a police state where citizens had no right to speak freely or oppose the government.

Russia has a long history of autocratic government (see timeline slideshow below). For centuries, it was ruled by czars. These leaders were basically emperors with total control. The Russian Revolution in 1917 overthrew the monarchy and established the Soviet Union. But the Communist government soon became a totalitarian dictatorship. In the 1930s, Soviet leader Joseph Stalin carried out widespread and brutal crackdowns to stifle dissent. He ultimately killed as many as 20 million of his own people.

In the aftermath of World War II, the Soviet Union became one of the world’s two superpowers (along with the U.S.). But it remained a police state where citizens had no right to speak freely or oppose the government.

When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, a new democratic Russia was born—and it looked briefly like it might become allied with Western nations. But Russia had no experience with democracy. The mayhem of the transition period in the 1990s, when prices soared and the economy crashed, left many Russians impoverished and disillusioned with the idea of democracy. So when Putin—a former agent in the Soviet spy agency, the KGB—was appointed acting president in 1999, promising security and prosperity, many Russians embraced the idea of putting a new strongman in charge, and he was officially elected in 2000.

Since then, Putin has consolidated power and eliminated his opposition. Life for many Russians has improved during much of the past 20 years, mostly because of global demand for oil from Russia’s vast reserves. In many cities, a new middle class can sip Starbucks lattes, buy Gap jeans, and often speak without fear of reprisal.

And many Russians supported Putin’s push to renew Russia’s importance on the world stage. When Putin defied the world in 2014 and annexed Crimea, a territory that was previously part of Ukraine, most Russians rallied behind him.

When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, a new democratic Russia was born. For a brief period, it looked like the country might become allied with Western nations. But Russia had no experience with democracy. During the transition period in the 1990s, prices soared and the economy crashed. The mayhem left many Russians impoverished and disillusioned with the idea of democracy. In 1999, Putin—a former agent in the Soviet spy agency, the KGB—was appointed acting president. When he came into office, he promised security and prosperity. And, not surprisingly, many Russians embraced the idea of putting a new strongman in charge. Putin was officially elected in 2000.

Since then, Putin has cemented power and eliminated his opposition. Life for many Russians has improved during much of the past 20 years. That‘s mostly because of global demand for oil from Russia’s vast reserves. In many cities, a new middle class can sip Starbucks lattes, buy Gap jeans, and often speak without fear of punishment.

And many Russians supported Putin’s push to renew Russia’s importance on the world stage. In 2014, Putin defied the world by annexing Crimea, a territory that was previously part of Ukraine. Even then, most Russians rallied behind him.

But Russia’s aggression in Crimea prompted the U.S. and many other nations to impose economic sanctions on Russia to punish Putin. Those sanctions, along with falling oil prices in the past few years and reduced foreign investment in Russia, have taken a toll on Russia’s economy. Russians’ average take-home wages, adjusted for inflation, have been declining since the Crimea crisis; they are now 10 percent lower than they were seven years ago.

The economic impact of the pandemic has made an already bad situation worse. In 2020, nearly 20 million Russians were living below the poverty line.

But Russia’s aggression in Crimea prompted the U.S. and many other nations to put economic sanctions on Russia to punish Putin. Those sanctions, along with falling oil prices in the past few years and reduced foreign investment in Russia, have taken a toll on Russia’s economy. Russians’ average take-home wages, adjusted for inflation, have been declining since the Crimea crisis. They are now 10 percent lower than they were seven years ago.

The economic impact of the pandemic has made an already bad situation worse. In 2020, nearly 20 million Russians were living below the poverty line.

Then last August, Navalny, the country’s most well-known opposition leader, was almost killed in a poison attack widely believed to have been carried out by Russia’s secret police with Putin’s blessing. In critical condition, Navalny was airlifted to Germany for medical treatment, where he recovered after 32 days in the hospital. He returned to Moscow in January, even though Russian authorities had indicated he would be arrested in connection with an embezzlement case the international community considers to be fabricated.

His arrest at the Moscow airport—and the release a few days later of the YouTube video, which showed the extensive corruption of the current regime—sparked the street protests. As many ordinary Russians struggle to make ends meet, the revelations about Putin’s secret retreat struck a nerve. The two-hour-long YouTube video has been viewed more than 100 million times.

Then last August, Navalny, the country’s most well-known opposition leader, was almost killed in a poison attack. It is widely believed to have been carried out by Russia’s secret police with Putin’s blessing. In critical condition, Navalny was airlifted to Germany for medical treatment. He recovered after 32 days in the hospital. He returned to Moscow in January, even though Russian authorities had indicated he would be arrested in connection with an embezzlement case if he returned. The international community considers the case against him to be fabricated.

His arrest at the Moscow airport and anger over the YouTube video he released a few days later sparked the street protests. The two-hour-long video has been viewed more than 100 million times. It showed the deep corruption of the current regime. As many ordinary Russians struggle to make ends meet, the revelations about Putin’s secret retreat struck a nerve.

There have been protests in more than 100 cities and towns, from Vladivostok on the Pacific Ocean to Kaliningrad, Russia’s westernmost city. Such remote cities and towns were once seen as hotbeds of support for Putin.

Aleksandr Dobralsky took to the streets of Kaliningrad in January to protest Navalny’s arrest. But he had other grievances as well, mainly the country’s slumping economy.

“It’s like somebody stepped on your toe and said, ‘Just be patient with this for a little while,’” Dobralsky, a lawyer, said of the country’s economic woes. “How can you just wait for it to be over?”

Russian authorities, out in huge numbers in helmets and body armor, used brutal tactics, including taser guns and tear gas, on peaceful protesters. The crackdown on protesters showed that Putin—who has maintained a modicum of freedoms in the country, including an open internet and some independent news media—is ready to ratchet up authoritarianism in order to avert a possible threat to his power. The question is whether more Russians will actively resist such an authoritarian turn.

“This is lawlessness,” said Daniil Styukov, a 19-year-old warehouse worker at a protest in Moscow. “It’s clear that those in power do whatever they want, caring nothing for any limits.”

It remains to be seen whether Russians are able to transform this moment of protest into a real challenge to Putin’s authority. But experts see an opening.

“For the first time in a long time,” says Tony Wood, author of Russia Without Putin, “Putin is not holding all the cards.”

There have been protests in more than 100 cities and towns, from Vladivostok on the Pacific Ocean to Kaliningrad, Russia’s westernmost city. Such remote cities and towns were once seen as centers of support for Putin.

Aleksandr Dobralsky took to the streets of Kaliningrad in January to protest Navalny’s arrest. But he had other grievances as well, mainly the country’s slumping economy.

“It’s like somebody stepped on your toe and said, ‘Just be patient with this for a little while,’” Dobralsky, a lawyer, said of the country’s economic woes. “How can you just wait for it to be over?”

Russian authorities turned out in huge numbers, wearing helmets and body armor. They used brutal tactics, including taser guns and tear gas, on peaceful protesters. Putin has allowed some freedoms in the country, including an open internet and some independent news media. But the crackdown on protesters showed that he is ready to use authoritarianism to prevent a possible threat to his power. The question is whether more Russians will actively resist such an authoritarian turn.

“This is lawlessness,” said Daniil Styukov, a 19-year-old warehouse worker at a protest in Moscow. “It’s clear that those in power do whatever they want, caring nothing for any limits.”

It remains to be seen whether Russians are able to transform this moment of protest into a real challenge to Putin’s authority. But experts see an opening.

“For the first time in a long time,” says Tony Wood, author of Russia Without Putin, “Putin is not holding all the cards.”

With reporting by Anton Troianovski, Andrew E. Kramer, Ivan Nechepurenko, and Andrew Higgins of The New York Times.

With reporting by Anton Troianovski, Andrew E. Kramer, Ivan Nechepurenko, and Andrew Higgins of The New York Times.